Lessons of Seattle for Today’s Occupy Movement

Violent action will not panic the power-holders, but it will push away the general populace. Power-holders, in fact, love it, because it gives them an excuse to destroy movements. Social change depends not on creating chaos and social disorder, but on mobilizing the power of the people for change.

by Ken Butigan

 

The acrid fumes of tear gas hung in the air as a young woman, her face swathed in black fabric, readied to heave a newspaper box through the plate-glass window of the Nike Store.

It was the afternoon of Nov. 30, 1999, and the “Battle of Seattle” was on. Tens of thousands of people had traveled from across the globe to protest the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference in Seattle, which was on track to reinforce the injustice of corporate globalization and the perils it posed to indigenous societies, labor standards, human rights, civil liberties and the environment.

I had been asked by Global Exchange (a San Francisco-based organization that is a proponent of fair trade) to join in as a peacekeeper during the multi-day protest. Moving through the increasingly chaotic streets, I spotted the woman with her conscripted newspaper box and, just before she hurled it through the glass, I trotted over and asked her what she was doing.

For the next half-hour, we had a heart-to-heart. She shared her anguish at the violence of Indonesian sweatshops that produced Nike shoes. In the light of that injustice, smashing a window counted as nothing. In fact, from her perspective, it was a good thing — it would directly identify the company as a human rights violator and would challenge business as usual. Most of all, it would help panic the powers that be into changing things in the face of this growing unrest.

I let her know that the two of us were in agreement about this injustice and that it must be challenged and stopped. That is why I had traveled to Seattle — and why, for 15 years, I had been part of movements working for justice. To me, though, there was a better way than property destruction to achieve this goal, and the 70,000 people marching that week in Seattle were illustrating it.

Gathered from around the planet, they were dramatizing a growing movement for change using nonviolent people power. These thousands were alerting and educating the public in a way, from my perspective, that violent action would not.

Violent action will not panic the power-holders, but it will push away the general populace. Power-holders, in fact, love it, because it gives them an excuse to delegitimize and destroy movements. In the end, social change depends not on creating chaos and social disorder, but on mobilizing the populace to remove its support for such injustice and to exercise people-power for change.

As we talked, the woman put down the box. She did not throw it through the window and, eventually, she melted back into the crowd. Then, when I went off to engage another person poised to hurl a different newspaper box through a window further down the block, someone else scooped up the first one and pitched it through the window.

Bandanna-clad activists (estimated at only 100 to 200 people) managed to break enough windows and spray-paint enough buildings to dislodge the primary focus from the police rampage in the morning to the image of marauding anonymous activists wreaking chaos throughout downtown Seattle in the afternoon.

The criminal behavior of the police — in which thousands of peaceful protesters, sitting in the streets outside the convention hall where we engaged in nonviolent civil disobedience, were shot indiscriminately at close range by rubber bullets and blinded for a time by relentless waves of tear gas (for which the City of Seattle years later paid out financial settlements to some protesters) — exposed the violence that the state will inflict to protect injustice. Now, however, this narrative had to share the stage with a competing one. Hence the frame that ultimately prevailed: “The Battle of Seattle.” After all, it takes two sides to make a skirmish.

In Seattle, an ambiguity was built into the action itself. We were told at a pre-action gathering the night before that the organizers had decided that nonviolence guidelines would be in force only until 2:00 p.m., after which they would not apply. Almost to the minute, this is what transpired: window smashing, spray-painting, and clashes with the police began like clockwork in the early afternoon.

The WTO protest was a watershed event, which was immediately noticed by the press. “Protest’s power to alter public awareness,” read the December 3 headline of the San Jose Mercury News, while the December 5 edition of the Los Angeles Times declared, “WTO is Humbled, Changed Forever by Outside Forces.” It definitively put the hazards of globalization on the social radar screen.

This success was due predominantly to the nonviolent and creative people power of the mobilization and not to the attention-getting property destruction of a handful of activists. In fact, had the police not engaged in their even more media-genic violence (made all the more glaring by the fact that it was launched, not as a reaction to protest violence, but as a first-strike against peaceful demonstrators), the WTO protest would have likely been assessed very differently.

Unfortunately, though, the wrong lessons have often been drawn from the Seattle mobilization. In the anti-globalization and other movements since then, Seattle has often inspired strategies that provide ample wiggle room on property destruction and even what amounts to street-fighting, enshrined in the now famous “diversity of tactics” principle.

Which brings us to the conversation we are having in 2012 about violence and nonviolence in the Occupy movement.

Police in riot gear were a military presence on the streets of Seattle during the WTO protests. Police repression was used to enforce the dictates of economic globalization. Michael Hutton photo, courtesy of Media Alliance

 

In sorting out the two tendencies at the heart of the present discussion — “nonviolent people power” and “diversity of tactics” — it is helpful to see how they share at least three points of agreement:

1. Social change is imperative.

2. The goal is justice.

3. Powerful action is key.

They diverge, however, on the question of how each of these is achieved. From my perspective, lasting social change does not flow most effectively from violence-generated social disorder. Such action is seized on by power-holders to destroy movements and it often frightens or alienates the public. This seems to be borne out by the recent work of Erica Chenoweth and others that quantify how violent campaigns are often much less successful than nonviolent ones.

Instead, social change (as Bill Moyer writes in his book Doing Democracy) flows from social movements that build nonviolent people power. “Social movements,” according to Moyer, “are collective actions in which the populace is alerted, educated, and mobilized, over years and decades, to challenge the power-holders and the whole society to redress social problems or grievances and restore critical social values.” In short, this means removing the pillars of support for injustice, including the direct or indirect support of the populace and often other economic, political, cultural, or media pillars.

Nonviolent action is more likely to nurture this process because:

  • It maintains a focus on the issue rather than the violence/counter violence cycle (e.g., the Occupy Oakland action on January 28).
  • It is more likely to raise the visibility of both the injustice being challenged and the justice that it seeks. Violent action is more likely to obscure the issue and the outcome it is working for.
  • When nonviolent action is met by violence, the focus is likely to remain both on the issue and on the violence of the state (e.g., the police attack on Occupy at UC Davis on November 18), which can increase public support for change.

But the effectiveness of nonviolent action often depends on the third point of agreement: the need for powerful action.

Those supporting violent tactics often feel that nonviolent action is not powerful — and, truth be told, it is often not as powerful as it could be. Nonviolent action needs to be commensurate with the injustice one is struggling to change — which means that it needs to powerfully accomplish its goals, including dramatizing the fundamental need for change, illuminating a vision of the alternative, inviting the public to re-think this issue, and offering concrete steps for people to withdraw consent from the status quo and to support a more life-giving alternative.

The good news is that it can be this powerful. This power depends on creativity, clarity, strategic planning, training, discipline, execution, interpretation, and follow-up. Occupy itself is a good example of this. When it has maintained a nonviolent spirit, it has been an effective and historic force for highlighting the problem of inequality and laying the groundwork for being a force for change.

Its scattered violent actions, however, have been less powerful than its nonviolent ones, because they have often muddied the issue and reframed the conversation from inequality to the violence of Occupiers. This has likely cost support for the movement within Occupy and among the larger populace.

For those of us who are committed to nonviolence, the answer is not to demonize those who are committed to a variety of approaches, including violent ones. We are called to relentless dialogue with those with whom we disagree — as I attempted to do on the streets of Seattle. Most importantly, we are called to build a movement that demonstrates the power and effectiveness of nonviolent people power. In the end, this will be more effective than all the arguments in the world.

Ken Butigan is the director of Pace e Bene. This article was published by Waging Nonviolence at http://wagingnonviolence.org.

Tags: , , , , , , , ,

A Right Delayed Is a Right Denied

“We are here to let San Francisco know that we will resist these laws. We will resist any law that criminalizes the bare necessities of life activities and the basic existence of our people!”

My Journey from San Francisco to Selma

Bishop James Pike of Grace Cathedral thundered from the steps of City Hall: “I’ve been there, and friends, we need more bodies down there, more bodies, and especially more white bodies.” In that instant, I knew I would go to Selma.

The Martin Luther King We Didn’t Know

Sister Eva Lumas teaches the community at St. Mary’s Center about “The Martin We Didn’t Know.” Janny Castillo photo

Martin Luther King believed that the founding principles of the United States required the creation of what he called “the beloved community” — a society that is not driven by making profits, but one that was built by developing relationships of mutual concern and care.

Oakland Celebrates the Radical Political Heritage of Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.

During the Martin Luther King celebration this year, people in East Oakland’s African American and Latino neighborhoods made the connection between the radical politics of Dr. King and the Black Lives Matter movement in solidarity with the people of Ferguson and all those fighting for social justice.

Why Selma Was a Crucial Turning Point for Democracy

Selmapolice.jpg Police in Selma, Alabama, wait for civil rights marchers as they cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge.

Many former slave-holding states in the South blocked black citizens from voting by requiring literacy tests, exacting poll taxes, and using intimidation to exclude black voters. After one hundred years of struggle, the march in Selma culminated in the effort to overcome this injustice.

Working Hard in America’s Twilight Economy

This hardworking couple pick up a huge amount of recycled material on their travels through the East Bay.

Jamie Dimond, the head of JPMorganChase, made over $9,000 an hour during the time his company committed numerous financial crimes, including stealing people’s homes and wrecking the economy. On a good day, Robert the gleaner, a Gulf War veteran who gets around on an old one-speed bike, makes about eight dollars.

Poor Economy Leaves Millions of Children Needing Food Stamps

“The Children Are Starving.” Art by Kaethe Kollwitz, lithograph, 1924

With one in five children needing food stamps to survive, the recession is far from over, and the federal minimum wage needs to increase to become a living-wage. Instead, Democrats and Republicans are joining together for another attack on the safety net and Social Security, in the name of austerity.

Rx for Shortened Lives, Ruined Health, Damaged Minds

Brain.jpg The serious side-effects of medications over a period of years or decades will often leave a person unable to work in a physical job.

The mental health system has a long history of subjecting mental health consumers to electroshock therapy and antipsychotic drugs that have extremely damaging long-term effects on the mind and body. Every few years, powerful new neuroleptic drugs are prescribed before the full range of their mind-damaging side effects are fully known.

A New Wonder Drug for a Brave New World

The new psychiatric drug would alter the human mind and enable patients to be controlled. Art by MIRKO

The drug company knew about the undesirable side-effects but believed psychiatrists would prescribe the drug anyway, at least to those psychiatric clients who regularly made trouble. Enter Jonathan Baxter, who had gone off his medications several times and had been written up in his medical records as being uncooperative and argumentative.

Lost and Homeless Among the Stars

The knot of hunger in my stomach and the consciousness of doom weighed heavily upon me, and I wished I could go to some other planet.

Short story by Jack Bragen hen I die, or after I die, I want to look back at my life […]

Defending Freedom from Police State Abuses

“Report Police Crimes.” Art by Doug Minkler

When citizens are fed up with errant police behavior to the extent that petitions are circulated for a new police reform act, we could see a change in how people are treated. We need to make the law enforcement branch of government accountable to citizens and to the law.

James Baldwin’s Double

Many veterans return home and end up living on the streets. Robert L. Terrell photo

After the battle, Zane recovered in an Army hospital, but the guilt never left him. In his recurring dreams, a white-haired, bearded prophet denounces him: “That bullet had your name on it.” His life is changed forever and the image of his friend Xavier was always in his mind.